America in the world, past and present. Senior Fellow in American Statecraft, @CarnegieEndow. Lecturer, @YaleLawSch. Historian and author, @TomoTheWorld.

Washington, DC
For years, critics of the Obama nuclear agreement claimed that all they wanted was a "better deal," accomplished through pressure but not violence. Today they stand exposed, after lining up behind a major attack that was launched by a proudly improvisational president in the absence of any looming threat and that yielded a deal they cannot defend. Going forward, their promises of cost-free coercion will sound like what they are: a drumbeat for war. In @nytopinion, @Rob_Malley and I write about the opportunity that has emerged from Trump's Iran debacle:
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The United States should get an ambassador who understands that Arab Israelis exist — and that the vast majority of Arabs living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea cannot vote in Israeli elections.
Today is election day in Israel, which is a national holiday. All voting is in person, ID required. No mail-in or absentee ballots. Arabs vote same as Israelis. Contentious process, but it's a democracy-not many of those in this region!
Community note
The Arab voters are Israeli citizens. Listing them in contrast to Israelis is misconstruing the facts. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab_citi… cfr.org/backgrounders/…
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
I hate this condescending whataboutism. Yes Bret, if the interior minister of Japan was a right-wing religious zealot using US taxpayer money for ethnic cleansing, they would probably be better known.
NYT's Bret Stephens whines that Democrats know "Smotrich and Ben-Gvir" but not "the interior minister of Japan." Their "obsession" with Israel drives him "crazy." (Being politically informed on Israel is now anti-Semitic.)
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Do the "additional military measures" involve magic?
"Israel and the US are preparing an operational plan aimed at toppling the Iranian regime...a devastating direct strike against the Iranian leadership, similar to operations carried out in the past, combined with additional military measures not previously undertaken, could set in motion a process that would ultimately bring down the regime." israelhayom.com/2026/10/26/n…
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
"Barring another terrorist attack on American soil, the public’s rejection of the post-9/11 wars may end up exerting a stronger pull on the course of U.S. global power than the propulsive influence of the attacks themselves," writes @stephenwertheim.  carnegieendowment.org/resear…
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A thought on the core objectives of America's Taiwan strategy, out today in @inkstickmedia: For decades, America’s Taiwan policy has aimed at one central objective: to prevent cross-strait war or coerced unification. But preserving peace is only getting harder. China has grown far more powerful, and the people of Taiwan have come to see themselves as distinct from the mainland. These trends make armed conflict plausible over the next decade. Although war remains unlikely, the odds are high enough to warrant adopting a second fundamental policy objective: to minimize the harm to U.S. interests should a cross-strait conflict occur.
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Conversely, some steps that would help the United States stay out of a cross-strait conflict would run too great a risk of inviting one. Several strategists have recently proposed that the United States end its policy of “strategic ambiguity” by officially declaring that it would not defend Taiwan. Once Washington ruled out intervention, Beijing might coerce Taipei into capitulating or attempt to compel unification by force. Perhaps it would instead stand pat, thinking time was on its side, but it would have compelling reasons to act before a less accommodating U.S. president could come to power and Taiwan could build up its defenses. If China gained control of Taiwan, it could well restrict U.S. access to the island’s semiconductor fabs, dealing a major blow to the U.S. economy.
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America’s Taiwan policy should now balance preventing a war with preventing an American war. This framework will not produce decisive answers, but perhaps it offers the right approach to a problem that, for the foreseeable future, is better managed than solved. inkstickmedia.com/what-is-th…
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
.@stephenwertheim's excellent paper argues that NATO expansion was driven by the weakness of the threat: "With stakes so modest, the operative logic was not so much 'Why must NATO enlarge?' as 'Why not enlarge it?'" carnegieendowment.org/resear…
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
Netanyahu's Israel as super Sparta is creating a self-fulfilling future. A faux self-sufficiency driven by a state tethered to Jewish supremacy; perpetual conflict; Arabs as eternal enemies; international isolation; and peace as dangerous illusion. haaretz.com/israel-news/elec…
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We already knew a candidate in the Michigan Senate race had ties to a violent group that starts wars, but this is a bonus.
Mike Rogers acknowledges that in 2012 he was indeed willing to work with the Muslim Brotherhood but says that he was doing it in defense of Israel and its relationship to Egypt.
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“The current chairmen of the Senate and House Armed Services Committees, Roger Wicker and Mike Rogers, respectively, support driving the defense budget to 5 percent of the national economy on the grounds that ‘America is facing the most dangerous global environment since World War II.’ Many politicians and analysts put forward a more modest version of the same agenda, forgoing a full-throated cold war framing of international threats and policy responses but favoring larger defense budgets to counter emboldened adversaries. As of 2026, the Trump administration is among them. Citing the ‘current global threat environment,’ it has asked Congress to supercharge defense resources from $1 trillion to $1.5 trillion in fiscal year 2027—a topline of 4.5 percent of projected GDP.” carnegieendowment.org/resear…
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
The domestic foundation of American global power is crumbling. Trump is less the cause than a symptom and an accelerant. Since the Cold War ended, the United States has pursued global primacy under an implicit bargain with the public: dominance would come cheap. Today Americans are no more willing to bear serious costs for foreign policy than they were in the 1990s. But a far more competitive world is driving up the price of upholding U.S. commitments. No matter who wins the White House in 2028, this gap will constrain American power around the world. In a new @CarnegieEndow paper, I trace the U.S. foreign-policy consensus from the Cold War to the present and outline three scenarios for the future:
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
Imperiled frontline Republican says the Iran war is making it "exponentially harder" for GOP to hold the House and Senate.
🚨 Van Orden: Iran war makes 2026 ‘exponentially harder’ for Republicans wpr.org/news/van-orden-cooke…
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Barry Seinfeld is back
“He’s got the White House looking like Saddam Hussein opened up a Cheesecake Factory” — Obama
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Would’ve gotten longer sunsets in the Iran nuclear deal but the Ayatollah was a low talker
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Stephen Wertheim retweeted
At one of the tensest points in Russia's invasion of Ukraine, two Americans teamed up with a former GDR spy to stop nuclear war. They just needed to tell Putin. On the cover of @FTMag this week, one of the most extraordinary stories I've ever reported: ft.com/content/dcb57f30-bbfe…
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