🧵1/x Behind a regime and its ideology there is always a way of thinking and feeling, a group of cultural habits, of obscure instincts and unfathomable drives.

Aftonbladet: ”bilden av en ytterhöger som ökar i varje val och snart ska ta över makten har raserats.” aftonbladet.se/ledare/a/OgVy… Fakta:

En vacker tanke, i alla fall. Att sålunda punktera Magdalena Anderssons svaga ledarskap. sydsvenskan.se/opinion/moa-b…

Dmitrij Miedwiediew, były prezydent Rosji, stwierdził, że w Polsce doszło do zamachu stanu, a “liberałowie Tuska, protegowanego Brukseli, uciskają konserwatystów z PiS”. I wszystko jasne.

De som försvarar detta. 🤷‍♂️ Ryssland utför alltså ett pågående angrepp mot Europa Man arrangerar inte spelkvällar med någon som gör inbrott i ens hus. Särskilt inte samtidigt som inbrottet pågår.

🇵🇱🇪🇺 What is really happening in Poland? The fight for democracy continues! An explanation for those outside Poland. This is not an ordinary dispute between the government and the opposition. It is the consequence of years of undermining judicial independence and subordinating state institutions to the interests of a single political party. We have seen similar mechanisms of political control over state institutions in Russia, Belarus and Hungary. Poland is now trying to repair the damage done to its democracy. To understand just how much damage the nationalists from PiS (Law and Justice) have done to Poland, just look at these figures: 🇵🇱 Poland in global rankings - under PiS and after the change of government! 📊Rule of Law (World Justice Project) Under PiS: down 15 places (21st > 36th) New coalition: up 4 places (36th > 32nd) 📊Press Freedom (Reporters Without Borders) Under PiS: down 39 places (18th > 57th) New coalition: up 30 places (57th > 27th) 📊Liberal Democracy (V-Dem, LDI) Under PiS: down 43 places (27th > 70th) New coalition: up 34 places (70th > 36th) ⚖️The takeover of the Constitutional Tribunal Poland's Constitutional Tribunal is one of the country's most important institutions. Its role is to determine whether laws passed by politicians comply with the Constitution. It can remove unconstitutional provisions from the legal system. In 2015, PiS unlawfully filled three seats on the Tribunal that had already been legally filled by judges elected by the previous parliament. It then introduced unlawful changes to the Tribunal's operating rules and began appointing PiS politicians as judges. In practice, the ruling party gained influence over the very institution responsible for checking whether its own laws complied with the Constitution. In December 2025, the CJEU (Court of Justice of the European Union) confirmed serious procedural violations and ruled that Poland's Constitutional Tribunal did not meet the standards of an independent and impartial court established by law. The Tribunal began serving political interests ➡️ The Tribunal drastically restricted abortion rights. ➡️ It challenged the application of CJEU rulings concerning the independence of Polish courts. ➡️ It attempted to limit European oversight of the right to a fair trial in Poland. ➡️ It challenged the legal basis of parliamentary inquiry committees investigating the Pegasus scandal and the postal voting scandal. 🕵️What were these scandals about? The Pegasus scandal involved Polish intelligence services illegally spying on opposition politicians, journalists, judges and civil society activists under PiS. The postal voting scandal involved an attempt by the PiS government to organise presidential elections without an adequate legal basis. ⛓️Repression of independent judges PiS did not stop at taking control of state institutions. It also created a disciplinary system used to put pressure on judges who defended judicial independence. Disciplinary proceedings were launched against judges who refused to comply. Some were suspended from their duties, while others became targets of actions by prosecutors operating under the authority of Zbigniew Ziobro. The disciplinary system introduced by PiS was challenged by the Court of Justice of the EU. For failing to comply with rulings concerning the Disciplinary Chamber, Poland was ordered to pay a penalty of €1 million per day. 📉The Constitutional Tribunal stopped functioning effectively Before 2015, it issued an average of around 66 judgments per year. In 2022, it issued just 14. Bogdan Święczkowski, a former close associate of Zbigniew Ziobro, became President of the Tribunal. Ziobro is the former justice minister who fled first to Orbán's Hungary and then to Trump's America to avoid facing the Polish justice system. He faces the prospect of a lengthy prison sentence. Święczkowski himself stood for election on a PiS party list, served as deputy justice minister and later became National Prosecutor under the PiS government. An institution that was supposed to protect citizens from abuses of political power became the centre of a rule-of-law crisis. 🚧 PiS loses power but retains the ability to block reforms In 2023, after eight years of PiS rule, the parties that formed Donald Tusk's pro-European coalition won the parliamentary elections. The new government began efforts to restore judicial independence and investigate wrongdoing committed under the previous administration. However, in 2025, Karol Nawrocki, backed by PiS, became President of Poland. The Polish Constitution gives the president the power to veto legislation, and the current governing coalition does not have a sufficient parliamentary majority to override those vetoes. As a result, despite losing control of parliament and government, PiS can still obstruct reforms through the president it supports. Karol Nawrocki is blocking efforts to repair the state and putting Poland's security at risk. By 15 October 2026, the president had exercised his veto power 48 times. Among other things, he has blocked: ➡️ Reform of the National Council of the Judiciary, intended to reduce political influence over the appointment of judges. ➡️ Legislation concerning the European SAFE programme, through which Poland can receive €43.7 billion in defence financing. ➡️ The appointments and promotions of 46 judges. ➡️ Promotions of officers in the Internal Security Agency (ABW) and the Military Counterintelligence Service (SKW). ➡️ Promotions to general officer ranks in the Polish Armed Forces. ➡️ Appointments of Polish ambassadors. ➡️ The abolition and reorganisation of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), an agency used by PiS to spy on the opposition. ➡️ Legislation concerning the implementation of judgments by the European Court of Human Rights. The Venice Commission, an international body of constitutional law experts, stated in October 2026 that the president should not delay administering oaths to duly elected judges without justification or assume powers that belong to parliament. 👨‍⚖️Criminal accountability for members of the former government is also at stake The scale of investigations into alleged wrongdoing under PiS is enormous. According to figures presented by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, 314 cases were being investigated as part of efforts to hold the previous government accountable. Charges had been brought in 152 cases, with 678 people named as suspects and a total of 1,598 charges brought against them. Those suspected include former politicians, officials and other individuals connected to the PiS administration. ❗Why does this matter so much? Through vetoes, disputes over appointments and other political obstruction, PiS and Karol Nawrocki are hindering efforts to repair the Polish state. This conflict therefore also affects the possibility of holding members of the previous government accountable for alleged crimes. 📢 Why have protests erupted now? Constitutional Tribunal judge Anna Korwin-Piotrowska decided to suspend the Tribunal's President, Bogdan Święczkowski, from his duties for one month, accusing its leadership of obstructing the institution's functioning. PiS politicians and right-wing groups responded by declaring that a coup d'état was taking place in Poland. They have made similar accusations several times before, whenever they were losing their positions of influence. Protesters gathered outside the Tribunal, while President Nawrocki cut short his trip abroad and returned to Poland. 🇵🇱 One side is trying to repair the state, while the other is trying to escape the consequences of its actions during a period when Poland was moving towards authoritarianism. In a democracy, politicians must be subject to the law not the law to politicians!

Kryzys wokół TK wywołał prezydent @NawrockiKn , który jawnie łamiąc konstytucję nie przyjął ślubowania od legalnie wybranych sędziów TK. Wszystko to, co stało się potem, miało swój początek w tej nieodpowiedzialnej decyzji. Dlatego ten kryzys można łatwo zakończyć - wystarczy, że prezydent niezwłocznie przyjmie ślubowanie od sędziów, którym uniemożliwił normalną pracę i "zamach stanu" natychmiast się zakończy. Tak więc wszyscy ci, którzy wyrażają słuszne, ale niezbyt konkretnie skierowane zaniepokojenie sytuacją wokół TK (@szymon_holownia ; Prezes NSA Jacek Chlebny) powinni przede wszystkim zażądać od prezydenta, aby dopełnił obowiązku przyjęcia ślubowania. Aż tyle i tylko tyle.

Om man inte förstår att etnicitet, till skillnad från kön, är en social konstruktion, så blir det svårt att föra ett samtal. Det blir det också om man inte förstå att bara för att något är en social konstruktion betyder inte det är det går att byta ut hur som helst.

Alla medier borde varit försiktiga med påståendet att Malm är portad från UK pga skulle delta i ett panelsamtal. Det är inget brittiska myndigheterna bekräftat, det är hans egen teori. Och Malm har en historia där ett flertal saker kan ha orsakat inreseförbudet.

”Det uppenbara mönstret, att SD nu mer eller mindre kopierar Vita husets långvariga kampanj mot somalier, att just dessa görs till symbol för invandring som ett inre och parasiterande hot mot majoriteten.” etc.se/ledare/sd-goer-precis…

The events at the Constitutional Tribunal in Warsaw last night were not elegant but the alternative was to concede an unconstitutional transformation of Poland into a presidential republic. Poland continues to be ruled by a coalition government elected by parliament.

Poland tonight for dummies The attack dogs of pro-Russian, pro-MAGA, and anti-EU propaganda are out in full force over what's happening in Poland, portraying the PiS camp as the victim of an alleged coup. How convenient. Let's remember who started this. In 2015, PiS began dismantling the rule of law in Poland, illegally filling seats on the Constitutional Tribunal and subjecting key judicial institutions to political influence. For eight years, they undermined the very democratic safeguards they now claim to defend. They lost power in 2023, but their control over parts of the state survived. Now, as Donald Tusk's government tries to restore judicial independence, the same political camp screams dictatorship and presents itself as the victim. You can't spend eight years undermining the rule of law and then invoke it as a shield against accountability. Poland's democratic institutions belong to its citizens, not to one political party determined to cling to power after losing an election. Restoring the rule of law is not a coup. It's a democratic duty. And it must be carried out in accordance with the Constitution.

Over the last three years a new majority of judges was duly elected by parliament and demanded to be able to function. The outgoing president of the tribunal kept blocking them, The most senior judge of the new majority took charge of the tribunal premises and asked the police for protection. Our populist opposition is unfortunately refusing to accept its loss of control over the Tribunal. The democratically elected government will continue to uphold the constitution.

The situation in Poland is much simpler than all the talk of a “coup” suggests. PiS, Jarosław Kaczyński’s party, which backed current President Karol Nawrocki, refused to recognise three lawfully elected Constitutional Tribunal judges back in 2015, together with then-President Andrzej Duda. Those judges were Roman Hauser, Andrzej Jakubecki and Krzysztof Ślebzak. PiS installed its own picks in their seats: Henryk Cioch, Lech Morawski and Mariusz Muszyński. Even after the Tribunal confirmed that the original three had been lawfully elected, PiS and Duda refused to respect its ruling. They put their own political interests above the court’s decision. Yes, the previous PO–PSL coalition had also broken the rules by electing two additional judges before it was entitled to: Bronisław Sitek and Andrzej Sokala. But when the Tribunal ruled against those appointments, the coalition accepted the decision. Borys Budka even apologised on behalf of PO. PiS never complied with the ruling concerning the three lawfully elected judges. That difference matters. One side accepted an unfavourable ruling. The other refused to obey it. The court’s membership changed over the years. Cioch and Morawski died in 2017 and were replaced by Jarosław Wyrembak and Justyn Piskorski. Muszyński’s nine-year term ended in December 2024. Other judges’ terms ended too. Seats became vacant, and new judges needed to be elected. Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal judges are elected by the Sejm, the lower house of parliament, for nine-year terms. Donald Tusk’s governing coalition currently holds a majority there. That majority has the constitutional right to elect judges to fill those vacancies. PiS losing its parliamentary majority did not give it the right to block that process indefinitely. The Sejm elected eight new judges. President Nawrocki accepted the oaths of three: Magdalena Bentkowska, Dariusz Szostek and Sławomir Patyra. But he refused to accept the oaths of the other five: Krystian Markiewicz, Maciej Taborowski, Marcin Dziurda, Anna Korwin-Piotrowska and Maciej Berek. They eventually took their oaths without him present, formally addressing them to the president. The oath is required by law. But it does not give the president a personal veto over parliament’s choice of judges. He is required to accept their oaths. The Tribunal itself ruled on this back in 2015. In October 2026, the Venice Commission backed that interpretation and supported allowing judges to take their oaths without the president physically present if he blocks the process, provided the necessary formalities are followed. Yet the leadership of the very same Tribunal where PiS had unlawfully installed its own judges refused to let the new judges do their jobs. The court’s president, Bogdan Święczkowski, insisted that they could not serve unless they took their oaths in Nawrocki’s presence. The president blocked the normal procedure, and the Tribunal’s leadership used that blockage to keep them out. On October 30, Anna Korwin-Piotrowska announced the temporary suspension of Święczkowski and his deputy, Bartłomiej Sochański, and assumed leadership of the Tribunal. Lawyers dispute whether she had the legal authority to suspend them in that way. That specific step deserves legal scrutiny. It does not erase the obstruction that led to it. I support Tusk’s efforts to end this obstruction, and I don’t buy the claims of a coup. PiS does not get to unlawfully install its own judges, refuse to respect court rulings, and then demand that everyone treat the situation it created as untouchable. Tusk is right to push back. Judges elected by the Sejm should be allowed to do their jobs. The president has constitutional duties, not a personal veto over the court’s membership. And PiS has no permanent claim to Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal.

this looks undignified

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”Sverigedemokraterna har förmått stora delar av det offentliga Sverige att acceptera en definition av rasism som är så insnävad att SD inte behöver drabbas.” dn.se/sverige/tomas-ramberg-…

Bra av Tomas Ramberg. - Jimmie Åkessons genomskinliga trollformel ”öppen svenskhet” ändrar inget i grunden. SD är och förblir ett rasistiskt parti. dn.se/sverige/tomas-ramberg-…