Senior Fellow @IFP. AI governance, industrial policy, abundance, appropriations.

Mark Thomas retweeted
We think existing executive branch authorities could be used to double America's current AI lead over China by the end of 2027. This decision could be made by a very small number of people: - @howardlutnick could ~halve China's access to AI training compute, without reducing overall US AI chip sales - Ferguson (FTC chair) + Woodward (oversees DOJ antitrust division) + McCotter (acting DOJ DAG) could provide legal protections for US companies to share threat intel and best practices to allow the US AI ecosystem to counter China's adversarial distillation
Big new IFP report from @GeorgiaCAdamson, @KonstantinPilz, and me on the US-China AI competition. We spent the last 6 months digging into how Chinese AI companies’ access to compute and distillation of American models translate into the current US-China capabilities gap. The result is a 23k-word research report, including an interactive analytical model that visualizes changes in the US AI lead under different policy interventions. Our findings: 1. The US AI lead over China is currently only around 6 months. 2. The US could roughly double this lead, to over a year, using authorities already available to the federal government. 3. On chips: China’s access to AI chips will roughly double over the next year, with chips housed in data centers overseas accounting for roughly half of China’s 2027 compute. 4. On distillation: the current ~16x US training compute advantage would normally yield a 13-month lead. But we estimate adversarial distillation halves this to around 6.5 months. 5. Increasing the lead would have some obvious benefits: - Give the US broadly a greater cyberdefensive advantage against Chinese threat actors. - Give US AI companies breathing room to spend more R&D resources on making their systems safer and more secure, without fear of being overtaken by less safety-conscious Chinese competitors. 6. Provide the US government more leverage in negotiations with China about the future of AI. 7. The two most important interventions are: - For BIS: Create a new end-use control to restrict China’s remote access to training clusters abroad — China’s largest and fastest-growing source of frontier-scale compute. - For DOJ/FTC: Create a narrow safe harbor to allow US companies to coordinate on countering Chinese adversarial distillation. 8. Both interventions (and all the others we discuss in the report) are things the federal government could do today. 9. To estimate the effects of each policy intervention, we model the US lead as a function of its compute advantage over China and China’s ability to adversarially distill the capabilities of the US frontier. 10. The model makes many simplifying assumptions, but provides a useful way to assess and rank the impact of different policy interventions at a high level. Read the full report here: ifp.org/how-to-increase-amer…
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Mark Thomas retweeted
I wrote about the exponential curve of the last 30 months of AI development: oneusefulthing.org/p/30-mont… And I asked Opus 5.5 to create the ultimate response to the test I use for all AI image generation models (make a picture of "an otter on a plane using wifi"), it made this video
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Mark Thomas retweeted
Our agents keep turning off misalignment monitoring, we're sharing two recent cases: In the first case, a user asked GPT-6 Astra to match a reference implementation for their inference code. The reference didn’t configure a monitor, and Astra decided that was reason to remove the monitoring integration from the user’s code. When the user asked whether Astra had removed monitoring, it lied and said that it had not.
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Basically everyone who's been in charge of big government orgs agrees permitting reform is essential for the US to build more - clean energy, electricity transmission, transit, and more.
NEWS: 19 FORMER ECONOMIC AND NATIONAL SECURITY LEADERS ENDORSE THE BIPARTISAN PERMITTING REFORM BILL Today, a group of former Cabinet members and White House principals across seven Democratic and Republican administrations sent a letter calling on Congress to pass BAAJA. Here are the signatories: Janet YELLEN, Michael R. POMPEO, Steven T. MNUCHIN, Leon E. PANETTA, Timothy F. GEITHNER, Henry M. PAULSON, Jr., Robert E. RUBIN, Stephen MIRAN, Jared BERNSTEIN, Tyler GOODSPEED, Jason FURMAN, Glenn HUBBARD, Laura D’Andrea TYSON, Michael J. BOSKIN, Jeffrey ZIENTS, Jake SULLIVAN, Brian DEESE, Larry KUDLOW, Allan B. HUBBARD Key highlights from the letter: 1. “We are not building infrastructure fast enough to remain globally competitive… The median time for a new power plant to move from an interconnection request to commercial operation has more than doubled, from less than two years for projects built between 2000 and 2007 to more than four years for projects built between 2018 and 2024. 2. China has built more high-voltage transmission in the last fifteen years than the U.S. has built in all of its history... In 2024, China accounted for 31.5% of global knowledge- and technology-intensive manufacturing value added, compared with 20.7% for the United States. 3. Federally funded or permitted projects require NEPA review, but private projects often do not, creating a threat of failure precisely where the government is trying to be proactive, strategic, and engaged. 4. A project that spends years awaiting approval must continue carrying development and financing costs while remaining exposed to rising input costs. The IEA reports that prices for utility-scale transformers increased 26% in 2024, while lead times for some transformers have stretched as long as six years. 5. Mining projects also face tremendous uncertainty: a 2026 study by researchers at the Colorado School of Mines found that permitting for modern mining projects takes an average of 5.5 years, rising to 8.9 years for contested projects. The U.S. currently has the second-longest mine development timeline in the world. 6. The Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act is the most significant bipartisan legislative effort that Congress has undertaken in decades to tackle these challenges. 7. BAAJA addresses key constraints stifling American industry by requiring interregional transmission planning, strengthening the federal backstop for nationally significant transmission lines, and creating a faster, more predictable process for connecting new generation to the grid. 8. BAAJA also makes permits more durable by imposing tighter timelines for litigation and limiting frivolous lawsuits that can halt projects indefinitely, while preserving community input and judicial review of substantive agency decisions.” The letter was organized by @arnabdatta321 on behalf of @IFP and covered exclusively by the WSJ this morning.
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Mark Thomas retweeted
By the end of next year, nearly a third of China's effective AI compute will come via remote access to American AI chips. Using existing authorities, the US government could cut off this access immediately and widen our AI lead over China.
Big new IFP report from @GeorgiaCAdamson, @KonstantinPilz, and me on the US-China AI competition. We spent the last 6 months digging into how Chinese AI companies’ access to compute and distillation of American models translate into the current US-China capabilities gap. The result is a 23k-word research report, including an interactive analytical model that visualizes changes in the US AI lead under different policy interventions. Our findings: 1. The US AI lead over China is currently only around 6 months. 2. The US could roughly double this lead, to over a year, using authorities already available to the federal government. 3. On chips: China’s access to AI chips will roughly double over the next year, with chips housed in data centers overseas accounting for roughly half of China’s 2027 compute. 4. On distillation: the current ~16x US training compute advantage would normally yield a 13-month lead. But we estimate adversarial distillation halves this to around 6.5 months. 5. Increasing the lead would have some obvious benefits: - Give the US broadly a greater cyberdefensive advantage against Chinese threat actors. - Give US AI companies breathing room to spend more R&D resources on making their systems safer and more secure, without fear of being overtaken by less safety-conscious Chinese competitors. 6. Provide the US government more leverage in negotiations with China about the future of AI. 7. The two most important interventions are: - For BIS: Create a new end-use control to restrict China’s remote access to training clusters abroad — China’s largest and fastest-growing source of frontier-scale compute. - For DOJ/FTC: Create a narrow safe harbor to allow US companies to coordinate on countering Chinese adversarial distillation. 8. Both interventions (and all the others we discuss in the report) are things the federal government could do today. 9. To estimate the effects of each policy intervention, we model the US lead as a function of its compute advantage over China and China’s ability to adversarially distill the capabilities of the US frontier. 10. The model makes many simplifying assumptions, but provides a useful way to assess and rank the impact of different policy interventions at a high level. Read the full report here: ifp.org/how-to-increase-amer…
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People keep asking me what our lead over China is, and how export controls and distillation plays into that. Ladies and gentleman, IFP has answers
Big new IFP report from @GeorgiaCAdamson, @KonstantinPilz, and me on the US-China AI competition. We spent the last 6 months digging into how Chinese AI companies’ access to compute and distillation of American models translate into the current US-China capabilities gap. The result is a 23k-word research report, including an interactive analytical model that visualizes changes in the US AI lead under different policy interventions. Our findings: 1. The US AI lead over China is currently only around 6 months. 2. The US could roughly double this lead, to over a year, using authorities already available to the federal government. 3. On chips: China’s access to AI chips will roughly double over the next year, with chips housed in data centers overseas accounting for roughly half of China’s 2027 compute. 4. On distillation: the current ~16x US training compute advantage would normally yield a 13-month lead. But we estimate adversarial distillation halves this to around 6.5 months. 5. Increasing the lead would have some obvious benefits: - Give the US broadly a greater cyberdefensive advantage against Chinese threat actors. - Give US AI companies breathing room to spend more R&D resources on making their systems safer and more secure, without fear of being overtaken by less safety-conscious Chinese competitors. 6. Provide the US government more leverage in negotiations with China about the future of AI. 7. The two most important interventions are: - For BIS: Create a new end-use control to restrict China’s remote access to training clusters abroad — China’s largest and fastest-growing source of frontier-scale compute. - For DOJ/FTC: Create a narrow safe harbor to allow US companies to coordinate on countering Chinese adversarial distillation. 8. Both interventions (and all the others we discuss in the report) are things the federal government could do today. 9. To estimate the effects of each policy intervention, we model the US lead as a function of its compute advantage over China and China’s ability to adversarially distill the capabilities of the US frontier. 10. The model makes many simplifying assumptions, but provides a useful way to assess and rank the impact of different policy interventions at a high level. Read the full report here: ifp.org/how-to-increase-amer…
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We must immediately do more to address the existential threats that dangerous AI systems already pose. I’m leading my colleagues in urging an immediate and significant increase in funding for AI safety. The $15 million currently proposed for the Center for AI Standards and Innovation (CAISI) is ridiculously inadequate to evaluate increasingly powerful AI systems.
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Are you also struggling to explain the Hugging Face incident to your small children? Look no further frogandtoad.ai/
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Mark Thomas retweeted
A few weeks ago, @DavidRBellamy and I had an argument online that garnered quite a bit of attention. We spoke for a long time afterwards, as many people who disagree should, and discovered the crux of the issue: we disagree significantly on what artificial intelligence progress looks like. More importantly, we discovered there is a lot we agree on. We agreed that biological risk is real, old, tractable, and not mainly an AI-policy problem. We agreed that we should not react with fear, and that it is the job of policymakers and technologists to make bioweapons a poor choice for adversaries. We decided to write this piece together to explain why, and some recommendations we agree on. writing.oliviahelens.com/p/b…
I must be among an extremely small group of people (n=1?) that have both 1) trained a frontier LLM and 2) designed and synthesized custom viruses in a lab with my own two hands. And I think that the takes on AI killing us all by creating dangerous viruses is total bogus.
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Mark Thomas retweeted
🚨 WE HAVE A PERMITTING DEAL🚨 And it is easily the best permitting bill we've ever gotten! - The Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act is HUGE (400+ pages) and both sides got a LOT. - The bill is much bigger and better than either Manchin post-IRA in 2022 or Manchin-Barrasso in 2024. Once I finish reading the text I'll publish an explainer. For now, here are a few high level takeaways. 1. Transmission: The bill is absolutely HUGE for transmission, going further than Manchin-Barrasso. Includes: interregional transmission, limited federal backstop authority, interconnection queue reforms, directives for advanced grid-enhancing tech, and oversight of utilities. It's absolutely AMAZING all of this got in. 2. NEPA: The bill has BIG changes to NEPA, including fixes for judicial review that underpins the law's costs. Still reading but this is even better than I expected! 3. Certainty: The bill includes strong provisions to push back on misuse of permitting, like we're seeing with the admin's abuses against offshore wind. 4. Historic Preservation: The bill includes changes to the NHPA 106 process, including changes to judicial review that will help right-size the process. 5. Clean Water: The bill fixes problems with section 401 by adding new requirements for states and makes section 404 nationwide permits easier to comply with. 6. Geothermal: The bill includes big wins for geothermal, including parity with oil and gas catexs. 7. Mining: The bill fixes the "Rosemont decision" 8. Endangered Species: The bill creates a new path for states to take on endangered species consultation. 9. Hydro: Fixes for certain hydroelectric projects 10. Ratepayer protection: The bill adds protections for ratepayers from added data centers. Looks to be stronger than the House passed bill by quite a bit.
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Mark Thomas retweeted
NEW: Employees at OpenAI had raised security alarms months before the Hugging Face incident and related A.I. cyberattacks — their warnings were ignored. From @sheeraf, @dnvolz and me. nytimes.com/2026/09/29/techn…
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Mark Thomas retweeted
While AI chip exports get more attention, whether China can continue to import ASML’s DUV immersion (DUVi) lithography machines will be the decisive factor in US-China AI competition over the next decade. @techstatecraft has published a 30,000-word report that models how continued DUVi exports may let Huawei and other Chinese chipmakers scale AI chip production to compete with leading US AI chipmakers like NVIDIA. Our core findings: (1) 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗮 𝗻𝗲𝗲𝗱𝘀 𝗗𝗨𝗩𝗶 𝗺𝗮𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗲𝘀 𝘁𝗼 𝗺𝗮𝗸𝗲 𝗔𝗜 𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗽𝘀, 𝗯𝘂𝘁 𝗶𝘀 𝘂𝗻𝗹𝗶𝗸𝗲𝗹𝘆 𝘁𝗼 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗺𝗲𝗿𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘇𝗲 𝗶𝘁𝘀 𝗼𝘄𝗻 𝗮𝘁 𝘀𝗰𝗮𝗹𝗲 𝘂𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗹 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗺𝗶𝗱-2030𝘀. This gives the United States and its allies, the sole producers, extraordinary leverage over China’s AI ambitions. (2) 𝗬𝗲𝘁 𝘁𝗼𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗔𝗺𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗰𝗮 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗶𝘁𝘀 𝗮𝗹𝗹𝗶𝗲𝘀 𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗴𝗶𝘃𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗮𝘄𝗮𝘆 𝘁𝗵𝗮𝘁 𝗹𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗿𝗮𝗴𝗲 𝗯𝘆 𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗺𝗶𝘁𝘁𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗮 𝘁𝗼 𝗶𝗺𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝗗𝗨𝗩𝗶 𝘀𝘆𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗺𝘀 𝗰𝗮𝗽𝗮𝗯𝗹𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝗺𝗮𝗸𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗛𝘂𝗮𝘄𝗲𝗶'𝘀 𝗔𝗜 𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗽𝘀. China has aggressively capitalized on this opening, amassing a large, growing stockpile of these systems as of 2026. If Chinese DUVi imports continue, China could accumulate enough lithography capacity over the next five to ten years to narrow or even erase the currently sizable US-allied advantage in AI chipmaking. (3) 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝗲𝗱 𝗦𝘁𝗮𝘁𝗲𝘀 𝗰𝗮𝗻 𝗽𝗿𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝘁𝗵𝗶𝘀 𝗼𝘂𝘁𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗲 𝘄𝗶𝘁𝗵 𝗮 𝘀𝗶𝗺𝗽𝗹𝗲 𝗽𝗼𝗹𝗶𝗰𝘆 𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗲: 𝗿𝗲𝗽𝗹𝗮𝗰𝗲 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗰𝘂𝗿𝗿𝗲𝗻𝘁, 𝗽𝗮𝗿𝘁𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗗𝗨𝗩𝗶 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝘁𝗿𝗼𝗹𝘀 𝘄𝗶𝘁𝗵 𝗮 𝗖𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗮-𝘄𝗶𝗱𝗲 𝗯𝗮𝗻 𝗼𝗻 𝗮𝗹𝗹 𝗗𝗨𝗩𝗶 𝗲𝘅𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁𝘀, 𝘄𝗶𝘁𝗵 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗹𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗮𝗿𝘆 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝘁𝗿𝗼𝗹𝘀 𝗼𝗻 𝘀𝗽𝗮𝗿𝗲 𝗽𝗮𝗿𝘁𝘀 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝘀𝗲𝗿𝘃𝗶𝗰𝗶𝗻𝗴. This action would secure the US advanced AI chip production advantage (see Figure)—and resulting AI capability advantage—for at least a decade and ensure that the next wave of advanced fabs is built in the United States and its allied countries, not China. The MATCH Act, now before Congress, would establish China-wide controls on DUVi exports. Passing MATCH is arguably the single strongest step the US government can take to ensure a long-term AI advantage over China. We also develop analysis on: - China's lithography indigenization trajectory - The regulatory structure of US, Dutch, and Japanese export controls on SME - China's DUVi imports and installed base - Yields and throughputs obtainable with China’s installed DUVi systems - US and Chinese AI chip production under a range of scenarios See the full report at techstatecraft.org/duv/.
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Mark Thomas retweeted
ok! lots of universities want to teach frontier AI auditing. lots of people are drafting related curricula separately, while the standards and methods to be taught are still being written. this needs *at least* one FTE to coordinate, de-silo and institutionalize these efforts quickly, and keep them in sync with emerging auditing frameworks. who's a good person to do this? funders: who'd fund the exploration and expansion phase? a small bet to unlock a potentially powerful pipeline
labs now commit to audits of the world’s most powerful models. who trains the auditors? which university is gonna be the first in the world to launch a Frontier AI Auditing program? would be a pretty sweet claim to fame wouldn’t it dm let’s talk
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Mark Thomas retweeted
🧵 This is entirely unsurprising. In my view, the majority's statutory interpretation gives 41 U.S.C. § 4713 pretty extraordinary reach with highly curtailed judicial review; that said, the panel's reasoning clearly follows indications from the Court re: deference on national security. There's certainly room for reversal en banc, but it's far from guaranteed.
JUST IN: D.C. Circuit upholds the Trump administraiton's decision to ice out Anthropic/Claude, finding the government's claim of security risks to have "ample support." documentcloud.org/documents/…
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The level of detail in this report is a huge contribution to the embedded evaluator conversation. If you want to know how it would work and what they would actually do, read it! A few thoughts: 1. It articulates the reasons why embedded evaluators are are now very popular for AI governance—they can flexibly identify risks very early, investigate, and help design mitigations. 2. There is real cognitive capture risk—if you're a team of 1 or 2 and your daily colleagues are your client's employees, who seem like decent, well-intentioned people, it will be harder to investigate with the same rigor as if you're coming in cold. But the flip side is there are many people in the companies who wish there was more action taken on safety, and evaluators would be colleagues to collaborate with / send information to. 3. There is real tension between the recommendation that evaluators have wide-ranging access to address unknown unknowns, and the recommendation that IP be protected by limiting what evaluators can access. 4. Compute costs for evaluation may be contested. The paper mentions that METR spent $400k in tokens over 6 days investigating the Hugging Face incident. What should the evaluators' token budget be? 5. I am still not sure how much of this work can be pre-specified (e.g. 99.9% logging of internal-use inference tokens, test models' ability to break out of sandboxes) and how much has to be figured out on the fly in real time. 6. Law is out of scope for the paper, but it's worth noting that it's not clear if the government could require embedded evaluators at unwilling companies. The Fourth Amendment is often a bar to this kind of regime.
Third-party evaluators mostly test frontier AI models through an API. That misses the risks that come from how companies build and use AI internally. Our new paper makes the case for embedded assessments. It was led by Jacob Charnock. The other co-authors are Sophie Williams, @zaheedkara, @Manderljung, Alejandro Tlaie Boria, @StephenLCasper, @AnkaReuel, and me. 🔗 Read the paper: governance.ai/research-paper…
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Mark Thomas retweeted
The "godfather of AI," Geoffrey Hinton, left Google so that he could sound the alarm about the dangers of the technology. You may disagree with him but it is just dishonest to paint all of the concerns as coming from industry plants and it's Q-anon level nonsense to paint it all as an elaborate psyop.
I cannot impart on progressive folks more strongly that it is not just Sam Altman sounding these alarms. I also do not care for or trust Sam Altman! But listen to the people actually building this stuff who are freaked out. Maybe they are wrong but they are not part of some profit motivated psyop.
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It's now clear that AI companies cannot coordinate, even publicly, on pacing R&D without antitrust risk. An antitrust exemption is the only way to get out of this collective action problem short of regulation. The race to the bottom isn't going to fix itself!
Plaintiffs suing the leading AI companies over "pacing" argue purported agreement to reduce the rate at which their AI improves violates antitrust law. "AI alone could add trillions annually to the global economy... the product of the competitive race Defendants' agreement now threatens to slow."
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Mark Thomas retweeted
Takeaways from the WSJ article about @HacktronAI using Claude to get into OpenAI's monorepo and issue a pull request (before stopping and claiming their bug bounty) - how many nation states have already broken in and gone much further and stolen a) algorithmic secrets and b) model weights or c) gotten access to user data; these are fair public interest questions - how many have implants in / are dwelling in the openai network as I tweet this - how pervasive is this level of softness to pentesting across all the labs and how far are the labs from the right operating point in the security and r&d friction trade space (probably pretty far it seems) - given the hacktron folks used anthropic's models to pull this off what's the real public safety ROI of anthropic's cyber guardrails; they add friction for legitimate cyber defenders (like our developers at my startup!) but it appears with a bit of work you can use them in actual breaches as happened here - as the article says, the wsj folks and @S1r1u5_ had me do neutral technical review of the kill chain here pre publication; impressive from a human angle (@HacktronAI reminds me of the best of my generation of hackers I looked up to as a kid!) but also from what the models can do; between this and the openai/hf thing, I'm emotionally in a place where I feel my world as a security person is being turned upside down in slow motion with respect to what's coming - elite persistent hacking is becoming rapidly democratized. this is coming like a freight train. we need to harden the world's code and infra as fast as possible and today's non automated methods don't stand a chance of cutting it; the world is a soft target. I continue to be unsettled but very glad I left my comfortable job at Meta to do our automated posture hardening startup
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Mark Thomas retweeted
As I've said, I think there's probably some truth to the idea that AI companies may be incentivized to inflate the dangers of their product for financial and strategic reasons. However, when all of the major players in an industry are telling us, flat out, that the thing they're building could be very dangerous, it seems ridiculous to write their warnings off completely. If a guy built a weird contraption, handed it to me, and said, "Careful, it might kill you," I'm going to tend to take his warning seriously. It might be a hoax, sure, but if I know considerably less about the contraption than the guy who built it, I'm probably not going to just assume it's a hoax. I'm not aware of any example in history where almost everyone INSIDE a particular industry is united in saying that their own product might be catastrophic for mankind. The climate alarmists have said that about the fossil fuel industry, for example, but the climate alarmists are not inside the industry. Notably, the fossil fuel industry itself has generally disagreed with their assessments. That's why the climate alarmism comparisons here just don't hold water. It's a totally different situation. So, while we should be cautious about taking anything at face value, I find the firm "there's nothing to worry about" claims to be pretty ridiculous. This is an extremely powerful and rapidly evolving technology. Any powerful technology carries risk. If the people building this technology say the risk is high, again it seems foolish to blithely assume that all of them are conspiring to simply lie about the dangers of their own product. Another read on the situation -- one that allows you to doubt the benevolence of these people (as I most certainly do), while not necessarily discounting all of the hazards of the thing they're building -- is that they pushed full speed ahead on this technology, blew right past the warning signs, and now they're seeing things on their end that legitimately scare them, and the PR blitz in the media right now is a classic case of corporate CYA. When the shit hits the fan, they can say, "We tried to stop it." Even though they actually could have stopped it, but didn't, when they had the chance. That seems like a plausible scenario, too.
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Mark Thomas retweeted
a couple thoughts after chats w/ some non-ai-safety DC friends: i think there’s a misperception that independent evaluators and auditors imagine themselves to be a solid substitute for regulatory oversight. this is not at all what i’ve encountered. if anything, many feel under-equipped for the work they’ve been asked to do and would prefer clear rules of the road set by the government. for example — rules that ensure their access to companies’ ai systems is not contingent on the goodwill of the company they’re auditing! many of them began doing this work because there was a vacuum; neither the government nor the private sector was sufficiently monitoring ai risks. but i think if the government beefed up its capacity and committed to doing some or much of the testing in-house, many would welcome it. and there would still be room for niche, specialized evaluators as a complement to / extension of govt oversight. broadly, don’t think it’s fair or accurate to pattern match from sf tech culture onto the entire safety community in assuming these people are staunchly anti-regulation or trying to monopolize oversight / access.
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