Oh no, it is absolutely a blood libel, Martin.
Here's the problem with what you just said: 70,000+ (including combatants which are about 25,000 of the total reported deaths) killed in two years of war when the pre-war population was 2,230,000 fails to be so substantive that it would threaten the groups (Palestinians in Gaza) very existence.
70,000/2,230,000=0.0314 (3.14% of the Palestinian population in Gaza, including combatants, has been reportedly killed)
If we want to estimate that this is 100,000 it would be:
100,000/2,230,000=0.0448 (4.48% of the Palestinian population in Gaza, including combatants, having been killed)
To be "in part" it requires that the amount killed be so substantial that the viability of their continued existence be threatened. If you were a serious scholar on genocide you would know this.
See, the following from ICTY's Krstic decision:
Para. 8: "It is well established that where a conviction for genocide relies on the intent to destroy a protected group “in part,” the part must be a substantial part of that group. The aim of the Genocide Convention is to prevent the intentional destruction of entire human groups, and the part targeted must be significant enough to have an impact on the group as a whole."
Para. 9: "In Kayishema, the Trial Chamber concluded, after having canvassed the authorities interpreting the Genocide Convention, that the term “‘in part’ requires the intention to destroy a considerable number of individuals who are part of the group.” This definition was accepted and refined by the Trial Chambers in Bagilishema and Semanza, which stated that the intent to destroy must be, at least, an intent to destroy a substantial part of the group."
Para. 10: "This interpretation is supported by scholarly opinion. The early commentators on the Genocide Convention emphasized that the term “in part” contains a substantiality requirement. Raphael Lemkin, a prominent international criminal lawyer who coined the term “genocide” and was instrumental in the drafting of the Genocide Convention, addressed the issue during the 1950 debate in the United States Senate on the ratification of the Convention. Lemkin explained that “the destruction in part must be of a substantial nature so as to affect the entirety.” He further suggested that the Senate clarify, in a statement of understanding to accompany the ratification, that “the Convention applies only to actions undertaken on a mass scale.” Another noted early commentator, Nehemiah Robinson, echoed this view, explaining that a perpetrator of genocide must possess the intent to destroy a substantial number of individuals constituting the targeted group. In discussing this requirement, Robinson stressed, as did Lemkin, that “the act must be directed toward the destruction of a group,” this formulation being the aim of the Convention.
Para. 11: "The International Law Commission, charged by the UN General Assembly with the drafting of a comprehensive code of crimes prohibited by international law, stated that “the crime of genocide by its very nature requires the intention to destroy at least a substantial part of a particular group.”
Para. 12: "The determination of when the targeted part is substantial enough to meet this requirement may involve a number of considerations. The numeric size of the targeted part of the group is the necessary and important starting point, though not in all cases the ending point of the inquiry. The number of individuals targeted should be evaluated not only in absolute terms, but also in relation to the overall size of the entire group. In addition to the numeric size of the targeted portion, its prominence within the group can be a useful consideration. If a specific part of the group is emblematic of the overall group, or is essential to its survival, that may support a finding that the part qualifies as substantial within the meaning of Article 4."
Related, here: men make up the group with the most reported deaths in Gaza. Children (including combat aged individuals per the law), who make up 50% of the entire population, are not 50% of the deaths in Gaza. Meaning that death toll itself is not emblematic of the population, which negates this analysis for intent in the substantiality requirements.
To be comparative, in Rwanda it was nearly 80% of the Tutsi population murdered in 100 days within the borders of Rwanda. In Srebrenica, it was about 20-30% of the Bosnian Muslim population of the enclave.
These are the only two adjudications we have on genocide, both stipulate that the analysis requires substantiality in finding the destruction of a group "in part."
Something that is not present in Gaza.
At its high end, under the law as required to be applied, it is not plausible to find that Israel has the mens rea (dolus specialis) to commit genocide. Even under the only reasonable inference test from Tolimir and Bosnia v. Serbia (2007), para. 373: “The dolus specialis, the specific intent to destroy the group in whole or in part, has to be convincingly shown by reference to particular circumstances, unless a general plan to that end can be convincingly demonstrated to exist; and for a pattern of conduct to be accepted as evidence of its existence, it would have to be that it could only point to the existence of such intent."
Because there are plenty of reasonable alternative explanation, which must be assessed, such as but not limited to the fact that Hamas committed atrocities giving Israel an article 51 right to self-defense, took innocent people hostage, acted with the intent to destroy Jews/Israelis, in whole or in part, as such, in the geographic region that they invaded, that Hamas has systematically (for years) embedded within civilian and humanitarian infrastructure, does not distinguish itself from civilians, and has weaponized places that are meant to keep civilians safe (see: GCIV 19 & 28, API 51(7)), it raises plenty of alternative reasonable explanations other than genocidal intent to exist.
Couple that with the inability of establishing the inference prongs established by ICTY, it is impossible to follow the jurisprudence and establish that Israel has the required mens rea.
What makes this a blood libel from you, and many others, is that you, who portrays himself as an "expert" and have written books about this, have decided that it is more important to change the law to convict Israel ex post facto than to apply it equally and adequately.
Doing so, and using your appeal to authority as said "expert" has caused people around the world to grasp this nonsensical lie that flies in the face of the law and is contrary to what Rafael Lemkin wrote and invented, has caused real harm to real people around the world.
Something we saw just yesterday on Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia.
So, yes, it is a blood libel, and you are among the worst offenders of it. You should stop misaligning what genocide is to be relevant and apologize to the world's Jewish population for causing us to be murdered because you want to be relevant.
Changing the law to suit your needs and ideological bias does not make you right. It makes you wrong and a liar, and you should be more upfront with people about why you conclude that genocide has occurred. Because you advocate for shifting the standards to loosen them to make genocide easier to find, which is antithetical to the plain language of the Genocide Convention's Article II: "[a]cts with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such..."
That plain language of the Genocide Convention tells us that this is a dolus specialis standard of intent. It requires that a party intend that harm, nothing less will do.
Your advocacy in your writings to shift from that would require a complete rewriting of what genocide actually is.